ºÝºÝߣshows by User: DhruvaJaishankar / http://www.slideshare.net/images/logo.gif ºÝºÝߣshows by User: DhruvaJaishankar / Wed, 27 Jan 2016 02:44:21 GMT ºÝºÝߣShare feed for ºÝºÝߣshows by User: DhruvaJaishankar The Liberal International Order /slideshow/the-liberal-international-order/57537506 liberalinternationalorder-160127024421
What is the liberal international order? How did it come about?And is it worth strengthening? ]]>
What is the liberal international order? How did it come about?And is it worth strengthening? ]]> Wed, 27 Jan 2016 02:44:21 GMT /slideshow/the-liberal-international-order/57537506 DhruvaJaishankar@slideshare.net(DhruvaJaishankar) The Liberal International Order DhruvaJaishankar What is the liberal international order? How did it come about?And is it worth strengthening? <img style="border:1px solid #C3E6D8;float:right;" alt="" src="https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/liberalinternationalorder-160127024421-thumbnail.jpg?width=120&amp;height=120&amp;fit=bounds" /><br> What is the liberal international order? How did it come about?And is it worth strengthening?
The Liberal International Order from Dhruva Jaishankar
]]> 1760 16 https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/liberalinternationalorder-160127024421-thumbnail.jpg?width=120&height=120&fit=bounds presentation Black http://activitystrea.ms/schema/1.0/post http://activitystrea.ms/schema/1.0/posted 0 Internet Freedom 2.1 /slideshow/internet-freedom-21/45390791 internetfreedomfinal2-1-150303143412-conversion-gate01
The Internet has become closely associated with freedom of expression and the global economy. Today, it plays a direct or indirect role in almost every aspect of life. Yet many fear the Internet as we have come to know it is at risk, with restrictions forcing fragmentation along political, corporate, or cultural lines. Despite growing concerns about the future of the Internet, discussion surrounding online freedom remains largely mired in a handful of issues: the necessity and appropriateness of government surveillance in the United States, digital privacy in Europe, and censorship in authoritarian states such as China. However, between them, the United States, Europe, and China account for less than half of the world’s Internet users. For much of the rest of the world, any discussion of Internet freedom falls at the complex intersection of political and social liberties, nation-building, security threats, economic development, and resource constraints. Asia’s biggest developing democracies - India, Indonesia, Bangladesh, the Philippines, and Thailand - account for a quarter of the world’s people, but only about one-tenth of the global online population. The policy decisions these states make going forward will be of considerable importance for the future of the Internet and offer some useful lessons about the limitations and vulnerabilities of the global Internet freedom agenda as it is currently being pursued by the United States and Europe. From a survey of these countries’ experiences, six broad conclusions or principles can be drawn. First, the online world is an outgrowth of the offline world, rather than a distinct phenomenon. Internet policy cannot be considered in a vacuum, or divorced from other relevant aspects of public policy, such as security, economic policy, or governance. Second, laws, norms, and cultural attitudes related to Internet use vary widely, even among democracies. A one-size-fits-all approach to Internet freedom will not work and may even prove counterproductive. Third, online freedoms and greater security are not inherently at odds with one another in open societies. Discourse that presents a false choice between security and freedom is harmful for both, as well as for state legitimacy and economic growth. Fourth, while much discussion of Internet freedom frames the issue as a conflict between governments, corporations, and civil society, each sector is divided on the merits of unfettered Internet freedom. Fifth, current legislation pertaining to the Internet in many democratic countries is deeply flawed, even in the context of their own constitutional rights pertaining to freedom of expression. By and large, Internet-related legislation is vague, making implementation arbitrary, and undermining public trust in state institutions. And sixth, users are often not adequately informed of the privileges and restrictions associated with Internet use in their native countries. Policies and initiat]]>
The Internet has become closely associated with freedom of expression and the global economy. Today, it plays a direct or indirect role in almost every aspect of life. Yet many fear the Internet as we have come to know it is at risk, with restrictions forcing fragmentation along political, corporate, or cultural lines. Despite growing concerns about the future of the Internet, discussion surrounding online freedom remains largely mired in a handful of issues: the necessity and appropriateness of government surveillance in the United States, digital privacy in Europe, and censorship in authoritarian states such as China. However, between them, the United States, Europe, and China account for less than half of the world’s Internet users. For much of the rest of the world, any discussion of Internet freedom falls at the complex intersection of political and social liberties, nation-building, security threats, economic development, and resource constraints. Asia’s biggest developing democracies - India, Indonesia, Bangladesh, the Philippines, and Thailand - account for a quarter of the world’s people, but only about one-tenth of the global online population. The policy decisions these states make going forward will be of considerable importance for the future of the Internet and offer some useful lessons about the limitations and vulnerabilities of the global Internet freedom agenda as it is currently being pursued by the United States and Europe. From a survey of these countries’ experiences, six broad conclusions or principles can be drawn. First, the online world is an outgrowth of the offline world, rather than a distinct phenomenon. Internet policy cannot be considered in a vacuum, or divorced from other relevant aspects of public policy, such as security, economic policy, or governance. Second, laws, norms, and cultural attitudes related to Internet use vary widely, even among democracies. A one-size-fits-all approach to Internet freedom will not work and may even prove counterproductive. Third, online freedoms and greater security are not inherently at odds with one another in open societies. Discourse that presents a false choice between security and freedom is harmful for both, as well as for state legitimacy and economic growth. Fourth, while much discussion of Internet freedom frames the issue as a conflict between governments, corporations, and civil society, each sector is divided on the merits of unfettered Internet freedom. Fifth, current legislation pertaining to the Internet in many democratic countries is deeply flawed, even in the context of their own constitutional rights pertaining to freedom of expression. By and large, Internet-related legislation is vague, making implementation arbitrary, and undermining public trust in state institutions. And sixth, users are often not adequately informed of the privileges and restrictions associated with Internet use in their native countries. Policies and initiat]]> Tue, 03 Mar 2015 14:34:12 GMT /slideshow/internet-freedom-21/45390791 DhruvaJaishankar@slideshare.net(DhruvaJaishankar) Internet Freedom 2.1 DhruvaJaishankar The Internet has become closely associated with freedom of expression and the global economy. Today, it plays a direct or indirect role in almost every aspect of life. Yet many fear the Internet as we have come to know it is at risk, with restrictions forcing fragmentation along political, corporate, or cultural lines. Despite growing concerns about the future of the Internet, discussion surrounding online freedom remains largely mired in a handful of issues: the necessity and appropriateness of government surveillance in the United States, digital privacy in Europe, and censorship in authoritarian states such as China. However, between them, the United States, Europe, and China account for less than half of the world’s Internet users. For much of the rest of the world, any discussion of Internet freedom falls at the complex intersection of political and social liberties, nation-building, security threats, economic development, and resource constraints. Asia’s biggest developing democracies - India, Indonesia, Bangladesh, the Philippines, and Thailand - account for a quarter of the world’s people, but only about one-tenth of the global online population. The policy decisions these states make going forward will be of considerable importance for the future of the Internet and offer some useful lessons about the limitations and vulnerabilities of the global Internet freedom agenda as it is currently being pursued by the United States and Europe. From a survey of these countries’ experiences, six broad conclusions or principles can be drawn. First, the online world is an outgrowth of the offline world, rather than a distinct phenomenon. Internet policy cannot be considered in a vacuum, or divorced from other relevant aspects of public policy, such as security, economic policy, or governance. Second, laws, norms, and cultural attitudes related to Internet use vary widely, even among democracies. A one-size-fits-all approach to Internet freedom will not work and may even prove counterproductive. Third, online freedoms and greater security are not inherently at odds with one another in open societies. Discourse that presents a false choice between security and freedom is harmful for both, as well as for state legitimacy and economic growth. Fourth, while much discussion of Internet freedom frames the issue as a conflict between governments, corporations, and civil society, each sector is divided on the merits of unfettered Internet freedom. Fifth, current legislation pertaining to the Internet in many democratic countries is deeply flawed, even in the context of their own constitutional rights pertaining to freedom of expression. By and large, Internet-related legislation is vague, making implementation arbitrary, and undermining public trust in state institutions. And sixth, users are often not adequately informed of the privileges and restrictions associated with Internet use in their native countries. Policies and initiat <img style="border:1px solid #C3E6D8;float:right;" alt="" src="https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/internetfreedomfinal2-1-150303143412-conversion-gate01-thumbnail.jpg?width=120&amp;height=120&amp;fit=bounds" /><br> The Internet has become closely associated with freedom of expression and the global economy. Today, it plays a direct or indirect role in almost every aspect of life. Yet many fear the Internet as we have come to know it is at risk, with restrictions forcing fragmentation along political, corporate, or cultural lines. Despite growing concerns about the future of the Internet, discussion surrounding online freedom remains largely mired in a handful of issues: the necessity and appropriateness of government surveillance in the United States, digital privacy in Europe, and censorship in authoritarian states such as China. However, between them, the United States, Europe, and China account for less than half of the world’s Internet users. For much of the rest of the world, any discussion of Internet freedom falls at the complex intersection of political and social liberties, nation-building, security threats, economic development, and resource constraints. Asia’s biggest developing democracies - India, Indonesia, Bangladesh, the Philippines, and Thailand - account for a quarter of the world’s people, but only about one-tenth of the global online population. The policy decisions these states make going forward will be of considerable importance for the future of the Internet and offer some useful lessons about the limitations and vulnerabilities of the global Internet freedom agenda as it is currently being pursued by the United States and Europe. From a survey of these countries’ experiences, six broad conclusions or principles can be drawn. First, the online world is an outgrowth of the offline world, rather than a distinct phenomenon. Internet policy cannot be considered in a vacuum, or divorced from other relevant aspects of public policy, such as security, economic policy, or governance. Second, laws, norms, and cultural attitudes related to Internet use vary widely, even among democracies. A one-size-fits-all approach to Internet freedom will not work and may even prove counterproductive. Third, online freedoms and greater security are not inherently at odds with one another in open societies. Discourse that presents a false choice between security and freedom is harmful for both, as well as for state legitimacy and economic growth. Fourth, while much discussion of Internet freedom frames the issue as a conflict between governments, corporations, and civil society, each sector is divided on the merits of unfettered Internet freedom. Fifth, current legislation pertaining to the Internet in many democratic countries is deeply flawed, even in the context of their own constitutional rights pertaining to freedom of expression. By and large, Internet-related legislation is vague, making implementation arbitrary, and undermining public trust in state institutions. And sixth, users are often not adequately informed of the privileges and restrictions associated with Internet use in their native countries. Policies and initiat
Internet Freedom 2.1 from Dhruva Jaishankar
]]> 535 9 https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/internetfreedomfinal2-1-150303143412-conversion-gate01-thumbnail.jpg?width=120&height=120&fit=bounds presentation Black http://activitystrea.ms/schema/1.0/post http://activitystrea.ms/schema/1.0/posted 0 How to Write for Policy Audiences /slideshow/how-to-write-for-policy-audiences/37544995 policywriting-dhruvajaishankar-140731124130-phpapp02
Tips for how to write for general policy audiences.]]>
Tips for how to write for general policy audiences.]]> Thu, 31 Jul 2014 12:41:30 GMT /slideshow/how-to-write-for-policy-audiences/37544995 DhruvaJaishankar@slideshare.net(DhruvaJaishankar) How to Write for Policy Audiences DhruvaJaishankar Tips for how to write for general policy audiences. <img style="border:1px solid #C3E6D8;float:right;" alt="" src="https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/policywriting-dhruvajaishankar-140731124130-phpapp02-thumbnail.jpg?width=120&amp;height=120&amp;fit=bounds" /><br> Tips for how to write for general policy audiences.
How to Write for Policy Audiences from Dhruva Jaishankar
]]> 1390 7 https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/policywriting-dhruvajaishankar-140731124130-phpapp02-thumbnail.jpg?width=120&height=120&fit=bounds presentation Black http://activitystrea.ms/schema/1.0/post http://activitystrea.ms/schema/1.0/posted 0 https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/profile-photo-DhruvaJaishankar-48x48.jpg?cb=1523563640 • International policy professional with 12 years of experience in think tanks, the media, and government advisory work. • Areas of focus include Indian foreign policy; Asia-Pacific security; U.S. foreign policy; and technology and societies. • Frequent media commentator and policy convener with extensive experience in Asia, Europe, and the U.S. http://www.dhruvajaishankar.com https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/liberalinternationalorder-160127024421-thumbnail.jpg?width=320&height=320&fit=bounds slideshow/the-liberal-international-order/57537506 The Liberal Internatio... https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/internetfreedomfinal2-1-150303143412-conversion-gate01-thumbnail.jpg?width=320&height=320&fit=bounds slideshow/internet-freedom-21/45390791 Internet Freedom 2.1 https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/policywriting-dhruvajaishankar-140731124130-phpapp02-thumbnail.jpg?width=320&height=320&fit=bounds slideshow/how-to-write-for-policy-audiences/37544995 How to Write for Polic...