Hung, Drawn and Cultural Quartered
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This document critiques the cultural quarter development model used in the UK. It identifies 31 cultural quarters that have been planned since the 1980s, often as large-scale urban regeneration initiatives based on templates. However, the author argues that they typically enforce marginalization of subcultural activity and restrict more organic forms of creativity and innovation that are important for the creative industries. Overall, cultural quarters are seen as emblematic of contemporary neoliberal place-based policy that can paradoxically repel the very activities they aim to attract.
Hung, Drawn and Cultural Quartered
- 1. HUNG, DRAWN AND A critique of the cultural CULTURAL QUARTERED quarter development in the UK Oli Mould U n i ve r s i t y o f Salford
- 2. The Cultural Quarter policy in the UK C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s dates back to the 1980s with perhaps Shef field and Manchesters Northern S h e f f i el d Quarter the first examples (Montgomery, 2007) Salford They have evolved from clusters of cultural and creative (economic) activity B r i s to l to meta-planned urban regeneration initiatives C r i t iq u e Identified at least 31 in the UK so far
- 3. They are based around (one, some or all) C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s of the following criteria Flagship singular development S h e f f i el d Boutique and/or chain retail Leisure facilities Collection of incubator spaces Salford B r i s to l C r i t iq u e
- 4. They are planned by institutions using C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s templates defined by the level of redevelopment desired and the economic S h e f f i el d opportunities available Salford Intricate plans exist that map out successful cultural quarters they must include (Montgomery, 2007: 308) B r i s to l Production (Creative arts) Distribution (technological and infrastructural) C r i t iq u e Consumption (food, retail and entertainment) Other categorizations have included the engineered and the vernacular (Shorthose, 2004)
- 5. Shef fields Cultural Quarter once was an C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s industrial workshop area (cutlery, potteries and small -scale metal S h e f f i el d forgers) Salford A city -based CIQ Area Action Plan was put in place in 1988 to use cultural activity to regenerate area B r i s to l The Workstation and other incubator C r i t iq u e spaces were set-up out of old dis-used industrial buildings
- 6. March 1999 saw the opening of the C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s National Centre for Popular Music (贈15m) S h e f f i el d Attempt to establish the Quarter as an reassertion of the local in a global space Salford of cultural flows (Brown et al., 2000) B r i s to l After hoping to attract 400,000 visitors a year, it closed 15 months later after only attracting 104,000 C r i t iq u e
- 7. Salford is home to MediaCityUK and the C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s surrounding Salford Quays area MediaCityUK houses the relocated BBC S h e f f i el d departments, IT V and a host of other independent T V production and post - production facilities (move started in 2011) Salford This CQ is owned by Peel Group and hence is a privatized, heavily -policed area B r i s to l Cultural or creative activity is strictly housed within corporatized agendas C r i t iq u e
- 8. This large scale urban regenerative policy C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s (akin to other Media Cities) are internationally -focused S h e f f i el d Reliance on local creative community is Salford secondary B r i s to l Creating an enclave of elitism in a highly deprived part of the Northwest C r i t iq u e
- 9. Bristols Stokes Croft is an area with no C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s planning interventions as such, but high levels of creative activity S h e f f i el d Grass-roots cultural activity active Salford engagement with homelessness & unemployed B r i s to l Its anti-hegemonic stance is considered an attraction for freelance creative workers C r i t iq u e
- 10. Creation of a buzz is critical C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s High student numbers and a reliance on S h e f f i el d night-time culture/economy Salford However, squatting, social unrest and crime are problems that emanate from B r i s to l such a policy C r i t iq u e Start of the gentrification process?
- 11. CQs are used as ingredients of a creative C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s city brand, but are limited in their usage of creativity S h e f f i el d Often, creativity & culture are used to justify or excuse existing urban Salford development schemes (Peck , 2005; Atkinson and Easthorpe, 2009) B r i s to l CQ templates devised by public -private late capitalist agendas (private consultants etc.) C r i t iq u e They often enforce marginalization of sub- cultural activity (unless in a pastiche or sanitized manor) Restricts of pop-up or DIY urbanism (Deslandes, 2012), which the creative industries thrive upon
- 12. Creativity requires a relaxation of C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s planning laws, not a reinforcement of them S h e f f i el d Creativity and innovation (which are Salford important planned outcomes (Montgomery, 2007)) often stems from failure B r i s to l CQs in the UK are viewed as a way out of C r i t iq u e economic stagnation but they have typified contemporary neo-liberal place-based policy interventions and in so doing repel the every activities they claim to be crucial success factors