�ݺ�ߣ

Editor's Notes

• #2: 1.7.2013
• #4: 1.7.2013
• #5: 1.7.2013
• #6: 1.7.2013
• #7: 1.7.2013
• #8: 1.7.2013
• #11: 1.7.2013
• #12: 1.7.2013
• #13: 1.7.2013
• #14: 1.7.2013
• #15: Presidential election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad Reformers called for democracy and social reform, closer ties with the West Reflected a division between reformers and the Supreme Leader Periodic episodes of reform since 1990s under Khatami -more reform movements in 2003, then the election in June 2009—Moussavi vs. Ahmedinejad---a hotly contested election that pitted the regime’s favourite against a reformer who called for greater attention to the the youth, unemployment, social reform, womens’ rights and better relations with the West   -Moussavi’s supporters called themselves Green revolution---green a strongly Islamic colour, called for democracy and social reform---   -June 12th the election results were announced at the Interior Ministry building in Tehran: with 85% participation in the vote, Ahmedinajad had 62.6% of the total, with Moussavi at 33.75%—protestors claimed vote manipulation and rigging of the reuslts—which did not mathematically match with population patterns throughout the country, and results were announced before all of the polls had been physically counted   -also belied the intensity of the campaign, in which Moussavi supporters had filled the streets with mass demonstrations—demonstrators chanted ‘where is my vote’?   "I assume that enemies intend to eliminate the sweetness of the election with their hostile provocation," he said in his televised address. He called the results a "divine assessment" and called on all the candidates to support the president.   ---Nationwide, the text messaging system crashed on Saturday and several pro-Mousavi Web sites were blocked or difficult to access. Text messaging is frequently used by many Iranians — especially young Mousavi supporters — to spread election news.     -police immediately attacked the demonstrators, who tried to set fire to the Interior Ministry   --On the night between the June 14 and 15, 15 students were severely injured by beating or killed when police and basij attacked Tehran University dormitories.[12] 120 faculty members of Sharif University of Technology resigned in protest of the alleged electoral fraud and began a protest against Ahmadinejad's re-election as President.[13]   -8 days following the announcement of the election results, Neda Agha-Soltan, 26, was at an anti-government demonstration in Tehran when she was felled by a single bullet to the chest.   -Agha-Soltan was taken to a nearby hospital and, within a day, she was buried at Behesht Zahra, the city's largest Muslim cemetery, on the outskirts of the capital. Immediately afterward, she emerged as the face of the anti-government movement.   --Iran's leaders called the uprising a foreign-led plot to overthrow the regime. It cracked down on the protesters -- with many killed and even more jailed.   --Images of the bloody crackdown fueled worldwide outrage. Agha-Soltan's pictures are still carried on placards at rallies outside Iran.   --Iranian authorities continue to deny that security forces were responsible for killing Agha-Soltan.   --Instead, they have offered at least three separate explanations. They have blamed the CIA, terrorists and supporters of the opposition movement themselves.   --One year after Agha-Soltan's death, Iranian officials have yet to announce a single arrest in connection with her killing.---show trails of demonstrators, many of whom were executed, began later in the summer What we commonly think of as means of control---Observation, use of force against people Targeted harassment, torture, killings---Or widespread purges, indiscriminate terror Inculcation of fear necessary—atomize population Secret police as political tool to enforce – also an example of cooptation--- Method to bring individuals into an organization through beneficial relationship Making people dependent on organization for benefits Cooptation present (if suspect) in democracy, but widespread in nondemocratic rule ---in the case of Iran, most enforcement is done by the Basiji---first assembled by Ayatollah Khomeini during the war with Iraq---mostly young men & boys, inculcated with religious fervour, and sent to the frontlines to be the Islamic state’s elite fighters—similar parallels with the Red Guard in China or the Young Soviets in Russia -the Basiji are the religious enforcers, the zealots taken at a young age and inculcated with religious fervour to work for the regime -the Revolutionary Guard are the older, professional fighters who train the Basiji—both the Basiji and the Revolutionary Guard are closely aligned with Ahmedinejad’s interests--- -Khameini and others of the clerics are threatened by Ahme---worried by his command of the fighting elite---upcoming elections will tell the tale---  
• #16: 1.7.2013
• #17: 1.7.2013
• #18: 1.7.2013
• #19: 1.7.2013
• #21: 1.7.2013
• #22: 1.7.2013
• #23: 1.7.2013
• #24: 1.7.2013
• #25: 1.7.2013
• #26: 1.7.2013
• #27: 1.7.2013
• #28: 1.7.2013
• #29: 1.7.2013
• #30: 1.7.2013
• #31: 1.7.2013
• #32: By Jonathan Haidt: The high point of techno-democratic optimism was arguably 2011, a year that began with the Arab Spring and ended with the global Occupy movement. That is also when Google Translate became available on virtually all smartphones, so you could say that 2011 was the year that humanity rebuilt the Tower of Babel. We were closer than we had ever been to being “one people,” and we had effectively overcome the curse of division by language. For techno-democratic optimists, it seemed to be only the beginning of what humanity could do. In February 2012, as he prepared to take Facebook public, Mark Zuckerberg reflected on those extraordinary times and set forth his plans. “Today, our society has reached another tipping point,” he wrote in a letter to investors. Facebook hoped “to rewire the way people spread and consume information.” By giving them “the power to share,” it would help them to “once again transform many of our core institutions and industries.” In the 10 years since then, Zuckerberg did exactly what he said he would do. He did rewire the way we spread and consume information; he did transform our institutions, and he pushed us past the tipping point. It has not worked out as he expected.
• #33: 1.7.2013
• #34: 1.7.2013
• #35: 1.7.2013
• #36: 1.7.2013