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PROUDLY PRESENTS
JAKARTAMODELUNITEDNATIONS2015
StudyGuide
UNSC
UnitedNationsSecurityCouncil

1
Welcome Letter
Dear Delegates,
It is with great excitement that we welcome you to the United Nations Security
Council of Jakarta Model United Nations 2015. Directing this special council will be two
directors who are no strangers to the MUN scene, but are still feel honoured to direct the
council.
First of all, let us introduce ourselves. Abdul Razak is a third-year undergraduate
studying International Relations at the Universitas Padjadjaran. Razak started Model United
Nations in his second year of study and since then actively participates as delegate and often
as director in many other conferences. Razak served as the Director of International Court of
Justice in Asia-Pacific Model United Nations Conference 2014 in Brisbane, Australia and
Director of Historical Security Council in Singapore Model United Nations 2015. Jakarta
MUN 2015 will be his seventh times chairing.
Zain Azzaino is a second-year undergraduate majoring in Civil Engineering at
Universitas Indonesia. Zain won Diplomacy Award in Harvard World Model United Nations
2015 in Seoul, South Korea. Aside from being a delegate, Zain has also chaired in several
Model United Nations, including previous Indonesia and Jakarta MUNs. We hope that our
experiences will be beneficial to the dynamics of debate in our council.
This document will provide you with a study guide as your reference for the debate in
our council. However, this study guide is not intended to cover all information regarding the
issue, but rather provide a good starting point of your further research upon the Ukrainian
Crisis. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact us. We are eager to address
any concerns you may have before, during, and after the conference. We look forward to
meeting all of you on our fruitful sessions.
Sincerely,
Abdul Razak and Zain Azzaino

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Table of Contents
Welcome Letter..........................................................................................................................1
Table of Contents.......................................................................................................................2
Introduction to the Committee...................................................................................................3
Introduction to Topic Area.........................................................................................................5
History of the Problem...............................................................................................................5
Current Situation........................................................................................................................7
Past International Actions..........................................................................................................9
Proposed Solutions...................................................................................................................11
Bloc Positions ..........................................................................................................................13
Questions A Resolution Must Answer.....................................................................................14
Closing Statement....................................................................................................................15
Bibliography ............................................................................................................................16

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Introduction to the Committee
The United Nations Charter established six main organs of the UN, which is United
Nations General Assembly, Economic and Social Council, International Court of Justice,
Trusteeship Council, Secretariat, and United Nations Security Council (United Nations,
1945). Historically, the Security Council held its first session on 17 January 1946 at Church
House, London. Since its first session, the UNSC has taken permanent residence at the
United Nations Headquarter in New York City, United States of America (United Nations
Security Council, t.thn.).
The Security Council originally consisted of 11 members which are five permanent
members consist of United States of America, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the
Republic of China, France, and United Kingdom, and six non-permanent members which
consist of two members from Latin America, one member from Commonwealth of Nations,
one member from Eastern Europe, one member from Middle East, and one member from
Western Europe. These six non-permanent members were elected by the United Nations
General Assembly for two-year terms (United Nations Security Council, t.thn.).
An amendment is adopted in 1965 to increase the number of non-permanent members
to achieve equitable representation among regions. The new amendment regulates that ten
non-permanent members consist of three members from Africa, two members from Asia-
Pacific, one member from Eastern Europe, two members from Latin America, and two
members from Western Europe and Others. Five of ten non-permanent members are elected
each year by the United Nations General Assembly for two-year terms. Another change
occurred for the membership of United Nations Security Council in 1971 when People’s
Republic of China replaced Republic of China and in 1991 when Russian Federation replaced
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as the permanent members of the United Nations
Security Council (The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2015).
Under article 24 of the Charter, United Nations Security Council has primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Unlike other organs of
the United Nations which only may make recommendations to member states, to carry its
responsibility, Security Council has the power to make decisions that member states are
obligated to implement its decisions which is stated on article 25 of the Charter. For the

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performance of its functions, the United Nations Security Council may establish such
subsidiary organs (United Nations, 1945).
The Security Council shall call upon the parties of any dispute which the continuance
of it is likely to endanger international peace and security to settle that dispute by negotiation,
enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, or other peaceful means
(United Nations, 1945). To do so, the Security Council may set forth principles for such an
agreement, undertake investigation and mediation, dispatch a mission, appoint special
envoys, or request the Secretary-General of the United Nations to use his good offices
(United Nations Security Council, t.thn.).
Beyond this, the Security Council may decide what measures are to be employed and
call upon all member states to apply such measures. These may include complete or partial
interruption of economic relations and severance of diplomatic relations. Should the Security
Council believe that such measures are inadequate, it may take air, sea, and land forces to
demonstrate, blockade, or other operations (United Nations, 1945).
Furthermore, when a dispute leads to hostilities, the Security Council’s primary
concern shall be to bring them to an end as soon as possible. In that case, the council may
issue ceasefire directives and dispatch peacekeeping forces to help reduce tensions, separate
opposing forces, and establish a calm for the purpose of maintaining international peace and
security (United Nations Security Council, t.thn.).
Each member of Security Council shall have one vote. Decisions of the Security
Council on procedural matters shall be made by an affirmative vote of nine members and
decisions of the council on all other matters shall be made by an affirmative vote of nine
members including the concurring votes of the permanent members (United Nations, 1945).
This right of the permanent members is usually known as the right to veto which does not
exist in any other council of the United Nations.

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Introduction to Topic Area
The Ukraine Crisis, at its simplest, is a conflict between the pro-Russian and pro-
European supporters. While it began as demonstrations supporting either European or
Russian integration, it quickly escalated and became an armed conflict between the Ukrainian
government and pro-Russian separatist forces. It is a conflict that has major influences on the
international community, inciting sanctions from supporters of both sides and causing harm
to the global economy. As a result of its overreaching effects, the Security Council has
decided to hold a session to discuss solutions towards resolving the Ukraine Crisis and
maintaining internal peace and security.
The Ukraine Crisis itself can be divided into three periods: the Euromaidan and
Ukrainian Revolution, the Crimean Crisis, and the current War in Donbass. All three periods
are characterized with huge political instability and armed conflict. This study guide will
examine all the events within each period and reactions of each period to the international
community.
History of the Problem
A.1991 and Below
The Crimea is a strategic region within Ukraine. Thus, the Ukrainian Crisis is not the
very first time Ukraine and Russian Federation engaged in tensions over this territory. Crimea
was under the control of Russia Empire in 1783 to protect Russian in the region of the
Ottoman Empire, a reason which is currently also used by Vladimir Putin, President of
Russian Federation. This acquisition gave Russia access to establish a naval base that would
become home to the Russian Black Sea Fleet. This base was a major factor in a war between
Russia and Ottoman Empire which won by Russia (Spencer, 2014).
After the Bolshevik Revolution that established Union of Soviet Socialist Republic,
Crimea became an independent state within the Soviet Union. It maintained this independent
status until World War II when it was merged into Russia. It remained part of Russia, until
Nikita Khrushchev, Soviet Premier, returned it to Ukraine in 1954. When the Cold War
ended, Soviet Union collapsed, and Ukraine is independent in 1991, Ukraine found itself in
the possession of this highly significant region. In this post-Soviet era, Crimea get unique

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status which is to have a high level of regional autonomy, such as to have its own legislative
body, constitution, and government (BBC, 2015).
B.Euromaidan and Ukrainian Revolution
In November 2013, Ukraine’s President, Viktor Yanukovych, with his country
barrelling toward economic catastrophe, faced a choice. He could make a long-term deal with
the European Union to bolster integration and trade or he could take a loan from Russia and
move his a country toward a planned Eurasian Union with Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia.
After internal consideration, Yanukovych decided to take a loan from Russia (Yuhas, 2014).
The decision has a large consequence. It sparked protest on Kiev’s Independence
Square, aka the Euromaidan. Thousand joined to fight the Yanukovych’s government which
deemed corrupt. A dramatic turning point in the protests came on 30 November 2013, when
Yanukovych sent in the Berkut Special Forces at 4 a.m. to clear the several hundred students
and others occupying the square. The brutal attack, caught on several lives camera, showed
the masked and helmeted Special Forces laying into the students and beating them bloody
(Diuk, 2014).
Eventually, Yanukovych fled to Russia. On 22 February 2014, Ukrainian MPs have
voted to oust President Viktor Yanukovych and hold early presidential election on 25 May
2014. This also result in the release of Yulia Tymoshenko, a prominent opposition leader
from detention. Therefore, the opposition is now in effective control of the capital Kiev. This
decision was passed by 328 MPs which is called constitutional majority, thus it is binding and
enter into force with immediate effect. Yanukovych gave response by described that events as
a coup. He insisted that he was the lawfully elected president. He claimed that MPs had been
beaten, pelted with stones, and intimidated (BBC, 2014).
The Euromaidan protests have frequently been portrayed as a battle between the pro-
European West and the pro-Russian East, a legacy of Ukraine’s own history of Russian
domination. Given that Crimea has a modern history intrinsically linked with Russia, contains
largest population of ethnic Russians within Ukraine, and harbours a significant portion of
Russia’s navy in Sevastopol, Crimea is clearly an important place in that narrative (Taylor,
2014).

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C.Anti-Maiden and Russian Intervention
Although the Euromaidan movement was successful in ousting Yanukovych, the
Maiden movement has never had the majority support in the Eastern and Southern regions of
Ukraine. Many people were scared and outraged with the exaggerated pictures they saw on
television of violent clashes in Kiev, armed paramilitary groups including many far right
elements controlling the streets, attack on Lenin’s monuments, and the far right Svoboda
party included into the new government. Many people in the east and south regions of
Ukraine call it the Kiev Junta and disapprove of its actions. They demand a better economic
condition of Ukraine, and to achieve that, they believe that the government shall nationalise
enterprise and rewards their labour. Many of them believe that the only way to recover
Ukraine’s economic crisis is by enhance cooperation with Russia (Ishchenko, 2014).
During the night of 27/28 February 2014, a military operation began in Crimea with
the aim in of Russia taking military control of the peninsula to secure Russian in Crimea as a
response to the coup in Kiev. This was carried out by units of the Black Sea Fleet with other
Russian army units transported onto the peninsula from Russian territory. At the start of the
operation, the Russian and Ukranian forces in Crimea were numerically relatively closely
balanced wuth 14.600 Ukranian Soldiers and 15.000 Russians. However, Russians Soldiers
was far superior in terms of maritime and air capabilities as well as in terms of their quality of
eqiupment and level of training (Wilk, 2014).
Current Situation
Following the annexation of Crimea and the Anti Maiden movements, the new area of
conflict within Ukraine is within the Donbass region. The War in Donbass, or War in Eastern
Ukraine, is an armed conflict between the Ukrainian government and the separatist forces of
the self-declared Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republic. The War in Donbass is currently
the greatest area of conflict within Ukraine and thus requires thorough scrutiny from the
Security Council, as the conflict still continues in the present time.

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A.Start of the War in Donbass
The War in Donbass began with demonstrations from pro-Russian groups in Donetsk
and Luhansk. These demonstrations escalated and occupied important government buildings
within their respective regions, the Donetsk Regional State Administration building and the
Luhansk Security Service of Ukraine building. Eventually, both areas proclaimed
independence as the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Luhansk People’s Republic. From
there, they quickly began to expand and take control of strategic infrastructures within the
Donbass region. By 14 April, 2014, they had taken control of many government buildings
within the Donbass oblast (Hills, et al., 2014).
For the Security Council, the importance of the start of the War in Donbass mainly
lies within the suspicious origins of the two self-proclaimed republics. Many of the separatist
fighters are Russian citizens and the prime ministers of both republics were originally
Russian citizens (Kramer, 2014). The origins of the weapons of both republics during the
conflict are also both unknown. Ukrainian media have announced that the separatist fighter
uses their equipment with extreme proficiency, on a level that is beyond the ability of
volunteers and requires military experience (Walsh, et al., 2014). Many countries, including
USA and UK, have also continuously stated the involvement of Russia. However, the
connection between the military strength of the Donetsk and Luhansk’s People Republic and
Russia was never verified by the Russian Federation during the beginning of the War in
Donbass.
B.Russian Military Intervention in the War in Donbass
and Minsk Protocol
Before the official intervention of Russia, Russian soldiers have already been detected
within the region. Finally, on 27 August, 2014, two columns of Russian tanks entered
Ukrainian territory and engaged Ukrainian forces (Griffin, 2014). From there, Russian
involvement quickly began to escalate. Russian forces quickly took control of Southeastern
city of Novazovsk and Ilovaisk and began to commit several questionable actions, including
the deportation of Ukrainian citizens and destruction of houses in Novazovsk, as well as the
assault of Ukrainian forces after their surrender (Walker, et al., 2014).
The time period of August and September was when Russian forces began to expand
its area of operations within the region. While there was a ceasefire agreement, called the
Minsk Protocol, between Ukraine and Russia in September, the Russian government
eventually denied its existence. The ceasefire eventually collapsed due to several violations

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shortly after. It is important to note that during this entire period of conflict, Russian officials
have denied reports of military operations between Ukraine.
From September until the end of the year 2014, Russian involvement continued to
escalate. On 7 November, the Russian military began to send more forces into Ukraine,
including tanks, howitzer cannons, and 30 trucks of troops. Due to the influx of Russian
support, the Russian separatist began to have technical superiority over the Ukrainian army
(Giles, 2014). As a result, despite several close defeats, the separatist forces continued to take
control of several cities within the Donbass region. However, even with multiple reports of
Russian troops and Warfare on Ukrainian territory, the Russian government continues to
deny involvement within the conflict.
C.Recent Status of the War in Donbass
Even on the onset of 2015, the War in Donbass continues to intensify, as additional
Russian troops, along with tanks, crosses the Ukrainian border in January 2015 (Lacqua, et
al., 2015). The most intense point in conflict was at the Donetsk International Airport.
Eventually, near the end of January, Ukrainian forces in the Donetsk International Airport
were defeated by the Donetsk People’s Republic (Kramer & Lyman, 2015). Following this
victory, separatist forces continued to expand their area of control, which continued until
February with the introduction of a new ceasefire called Minsk II.
Although the Minsk II was officially signed by the leaders of Ukraine and Russia,
fighting continued within several areas. After several more minor violations of the ceasefire
in March and April, there was a major violation in 3 June after the separatist forces launched
an attack on the city of Marinka (Burridge, 2015). This attack included both heavy artillery
and tanks and may indicate a future escalation of the conflict again, even after the ceasefire.
However, a complete collapse of the Minsk II ceasefire has yet to start as of 20 June.
Past International Actions
A.Recent Status of the War in Donbass
In 15 March 2014, Russian Federation vetoed a United Nations Security Council
resolution that declared a planned Sunday (16 March 2014) referendum in Crimea is illegal.
Russian Federation is the only member states of the United Nations Security Council that
vote against this draft resolution. People’s Republic of China, Russian Federation’s ally on
the council, is the only one who vote abstained. Vitaly Churkin, Russian Ambassador to the

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United Nations, explained his vote that Russian Federation will respect the result of Sunday
referendum as a form of recognizing Crimean people’s right of self-determination (Sengupta,
2014). With this veto, United Nations Security Council did not adopted any resolution in
2014 regarding Crimean crisis.
B.United Nations General Assembly Resolution 68/262
In this resolution, the General Assembly affirms its commitment to the sovereignty,
political independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally
recognized borders. This resolution also clearly stated that it underscores that the referendum
which held on 16 March 2014 in Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol
having no validity and can not form the basis for any alteration of the status of the
Autonomous Republic of Crimea. Therefore, the General Assembly calls upon all states,
international organizations, and specialize agencies not to recognize any alternation of the
status of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea (United Nations General Assembly, 2014).
This resolution was adopted on 28 March 2014 with 100 vote yes, 11 vote against, 58
vote abstain, and remaining 24 did not vote. 11 member states that vote against are Armenia,
Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua, North Korea, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Venezuela,
and Zimbabwe. Vitaly Churckin, Russian Federation’s Ambassador to the United Nations
considers the vote a victory. He said that the result is rather satisfying for us as we have won
a moral and a political victory by showing that Russian Federation is not isolated by the fact
that almost half of the members of the United Nations refused to support this resolution. In
the other hand, Ukraine’s Foreign Minister, Andriy Deshchytsia said that the adoption of this
resolution means that the world is united and Russian Federation is isolated (Dolgov, 2014).
C.Western Sanction on Russia
In response to the so-called illegal annexation of Crimea, the European Union has
imposed restrictive measures against the Russian Federation as an effort on deescalating the
crisis in Ukraine. On 6 March 2014, EU started to suspended bilateral talks with Russian
Federation on visa matters, the new EU-Russia Agreement, and preparation for G8 Summit.
On 17 March 2014, the EU imposed the first travel bans and asset freezes apply to 151
Russian officials and 37 entities are subject to a freeze of their assets in the EU (European
Union, 2014).

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Started at the exact same date, Obama, President of United States of America, signed
Executive Order 13660 that authorizes sanctions on individuals and entities responsible for
violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Following this, on 17 March
2014, President Obama issued Executive Order 13661 that declare Russian Federation’s
actions in Ukraine, including the deployment of Russian military forces undermine
democratic and threaten its peace, security, and stability of Ukraine. On 20 March 2014,
President Obama issued a new Executive Order to expand two previous executive orders to
be more specific for those individual who are Putin’s, President of Russia, Inner Circle (US
Department of State, 2014). These economic and also diplomatic sanctions, by western
countries, send a strong message to the Russian government that there are consequences for
their actions that deemed as threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine.
Proposed Solutions
A.Recognizing Crimean Right to Self-Determination
While the majority of the conflict has transferred to the Donbass region, the
controversy of the annexation of the Crimean territory remains. Ukraine’s acting President,
Oleksander Turchinov, states that the current authorities in Crimea are illegitimate. NATO
and European Union state the annexation of Crimea as illegal and in violation of the 1994
Budapest Memorandum. On the other hand, Russia denies its actions as illegal annexation
and states its referendum as complying with international law.
In regards to the views on Crimean Right to Self-Determination, the majority of the
international community has not recognized the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol as part of
Russia. Only a few countries recognize the Crimea as federal subjects of Russia. On the other
hand, as the voting of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 68/262 show, many
countries prefer to remain neutral in this issue.
Although there have been several United Nation resolutions on the annexation of
Crimea, this issue continues to persist. Any resolutions from the Security Council regarding
the Ukrainian Crisis have yet to pass. The difficulty in passing a resolution currently lies in
the divided nature of the Security Council. Therefore, it is clear that there also needs to be an
importance on the implementation of any resolutions and on the overall approval of any
resolutions.

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B.Adjusting Sanctions
Due to their disapproval towards the actions of the Russian Federation in the
Ukrainian Crisis, many governments have applied sanctions against individuals, businesses,
and official from Russia. The beginning sanctions were led by either the United States or the
European Union. However, in response to the escalating War in Donbass, several other
countries have also begun to apply their own individual sanctions. As a result, the Russian
Federation also began to apply reciprocal sanctions, especially towards the United States and
the European Union.
While the sanctions were applied to compel the Russian Federation and Ukraine to
stop the conflict, the reciprocal sanctions from Russia makes it clear that the sanctions will
not severely affect the policies of the Russian Federation. In fact, there has been mounting
concerns in Europe that the recent sanctions, from the second half of 2014 and onward, have
been counterproductive, as they severely harm the European economy. Several major
politicians also believe that sanctions do not contribute to ending conflicts (Gaffey, 2015).
Therefore, as their effectiveness is in doubt, it may be necessary to change the
sanctions towards Russian Federation. The complete removal of all sanctions from both sides
may remove enmity and contribute towards cooperation. On the other hand, if there is are no
strides towards solutions, then the removal of sanctions will be a pointless action. In addition
to analyzing the effectiveness of the sanctions, delegates also need to examine steps towards
cooperation after adjusting any sanctions.
C.Military Intervention
The Ukrainian crisis began on the onset of 2014 and has continued until recent times.
While there have been several stops and ceasefires during the crisis, there has yet been to be a
definitive conclusion. During the entire conflict, the international community has mainly
responded with only sanctions and international non-binding resolutions. As it is becoming
increasingly apparent that there will not be a conclusion for many years if the status quo
continues, it is necessary for the Security Council to begin examining the need for military
intervention.
Chapter VII allows the Security Council to take action in situations where there is a
“threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression”. From Chapter VII, it is clear
that the current situation in Ukraine legally allows the Security Council to intervene.
However, after deciding whether to intervene within the Crisis, another point of importance is
the method of intervention. While it is clear that military intervention can greatly influence

13
the course of any conflict, the actual effectiveness remains in doubt. In the 2011 military
intervention in Libya, the multi-state coalition, including over nineteen states and led by
France and led by the United Kingdom, quickly stopped the atrocities of the Libyan
government. However, a large contributor of the end of the fighting in Libya was the death of
the Libyan leader Muammaf Gaddafi; the military intervention was also extremely costly and
spent millions of dollars per day (Jackson, 2011). On the other hand, the NATO military
intervention in Yugoslavia in 1999 is significantly more controversial. As a result of their
intervention, while it led to the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces, it also killed other 480
citizens, destroyed important public infrastructure, and military installations (HRW, 2000).
From the effects of past military interventions, it is clear that it is also necessary to
determine the method of the intervention. An improper implementation may result in civilian
casualties and escalate the conflict, rendering its actions moot. If the Security Council decides
to intervene, it is necessary to decide whether the military interventions should be taken
multilaterally and through what type of cooperation, whether through the United Nations,
regional organizations, or a group of states.
Bloc Positions
A.Pro-Ukraine Independency
There are some countries that support the independency of Crimea as well as other
independency movements in eastern regions, such as Donetsk and Luhansk People’s
Republic from Ukraine. They mainly rely this stance on the argument of right of self-
determination of all people. This principle may be seen in accordance with UN Charter which
stated that one out of four purposes of the United Nations are to develop friendly relations
among nations based on respect for the principle of self-determination of peoples (United
Nations, 1945). This principle is shown by the right to freely determine their political status
(United Nations General Assembly, 1960). These countries further argue that the result of
referendum represent the will of the people. However, each country’s stance upon this crisis
is highly influenced by their interest. Thus, countries who usually uphold democratic
principle do not necessarily will be in favour of self-determination and vice versa.

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B.Pro-Ukraine Integration
There are several countries that support the integration of Crimea into the Russian
Federation, as well as the action of the pro-Russian forces during the War in Donbass. These
countries support the cause of integration of Crimea due to very close relations with the
Russian Federation. While the General Assembly Resolution 68/262 openly rejects the 2014
Crimean referendum, most countries within the Pro Ukraine Integration bloc recognizes he
Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol as federal subjects of Russia. Countries that support the
integration of Ukraine into Russia should carefully consider their political connections during
the course of the conference.
Questions A Resolution Must Answer
1. What can be improved from the current bilateral and regional arrangements in
addressing the conflict?
2. What mechanisms should the Security Council implement to resolve the conflict in
Ukraine?
3. How should the Security Council respond to unilateral sanctions imposed on the
conflicting parties?

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Closing Statement
After reading this study guide, delegates should have knowledge on the mandate and
powers of the Security Council, information on the general events of the Ukraine Crisis, from
the beginning to the current situation, and a selection of important questions that needs to be
answered by the end of the conference. The next step is to research your assigned nation’s
policies and official stances on these matters, review the current challenges of the topic, and
brainstorm innovative solutions that will solve the current problems while still remaining
within the policies of your nation. It will also be helpful to research more in-depth on the
underlying problems of the Ukraine Crisis. While the study provide provides a relatively
extensive summary of the Ukraine Crisis, there are still many events within the crisis that can
be examined and independently analysing these events will provide a more comprehensive
understanding of the Ukraine Crisis, which will undoubtedly prove helpful towards the
creation of any solutions.
One of the main goals of the Jakarta MUN is to foster an incredible intellectual
experience with a truly memorable life experience. To achieve this goal, we hope that all
delegates will prepare themselves for forging lifelong friendships and connections while
participating in intensive and fruitful debates. If you have any questions prior to the event,
please do not hesitate to contact us. We will always be happy to help in any way we can.
Until then, good luck and we look forward to meeting you in the event!

16
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