際際滷

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Political participation of ethnic
      minorities in Britain
            Anthony Heath
    Universities of Manchester and
                 Oxford
The central problem
Widespread concerns in many countries about
  the political integration of migrants and their
  descendants
 Low election turnout in many countries
 Low identification with mainstream parties
Conversely
 Riots and protest
 Home-grown terrorism in Britain
Theories
Orientations
 Lack of interest (more oriented to origin country/ethnic
   community, short-term orientation to life in Britain, economic not
   political motives)
 Lack of skills (language, education, economic resources)
Hence exit (withdrawal)
Barriers
 Access to citizenship
 Discrimination in the labour market (hence relative deprivation)
 Political exclusion/lack of access to the mainstream agenda
Hence voice (protest)
The questions in this paper
 How do minority rates of electoral and non-
  electoral participation, party identity and support
  for violent protest in Britain compare with those
  of the majority group? Do we see exit, voice or
  loyalty?
 How do these patterns vary across ethnic
  groups?
 And how do patterns change across generations
   towards greater integration or greater exit or
  voice?
The conventional wisdom
 Muslim groups will be less loyal  more inclined
  to withdrawal and/or (violent) voice
 Economically successful groups like Indians will
  be more integrated/loyal
 Less successful groups like Blacks will be more
  inclined to protest (the weapon of the weak)
 Exit will be more common in the first generation
 Voice/Radicalization will be seen in the second
  generation (especially among Muslims and
  Blacks)
The data
 Ethnic Minority British Election Survey
  (EMBES)
 Representative probability survey with many
  questions identical to those in the main BES
 Focus on five main visible minorities
 Over-sampled in high density areas
 Excellent response rate (circa 60%) with 2787
  respondents
Party identification
               None   weak      strong
Majority         22    25       53
Indian           17    25       58
Pakistani        15    29       57
Bangladeshi      18    27       54
Black Caribbean 15     26       59
Black African    15    22       63
All minorities   16    26       58
Turnout
            Registered   self-reported   validated
Majority         90          81          78
Indian           78          83          76
Pakistani        81          81          76
Bangladeshi      77          81          78
Black Caribbean 79           76          78
Black African    64          76          72
All minorities 77            78          76
Non-electoral participation
            volunteered petitioned protested
Majority         44        NA        5
Indian           46        22        7
Pakistani        36        20        8
Bangladeshi      39        18        9
Black Caribbean 46         20        6
Black African    52        16        4
All minorities 44          20        6
Support for violent protest

Majority            15
Indian              15
Pakistani           15
Bangladeshi         18
Black Caribbean     11
Black African       15
All minorities      15
Myths debunked
 High levels of political integration overall 
  only real exception is registration
 No sign of Muslim lack of integration
 No sign that more successful minorities are
  more politically integrated
 No sign that protest is a weapon of the weak
Modelling the data
Test theories of
 Grievance (relative deprivation)
 Ethnic (and British) consciousness
 Bonding (and bridging) social capital
 Resources and skills
 Political interest and efficacy
 Sense of political representation
 Generational change
Significant estimates
                (minorities only)
               Turnout Volunteer Protest Violence
Unrepresented ***           -        -       -
Consciousness      *        -        -       -
Interest          ***      ***     ***       -
Bonding           ***      ***     ***     **
Education           -      ***      *        -
2nd generation     -        -      ***      **
Grievance          -        -       -      ***
Average marginal effects
               Turnout Volunteer Protest Violence
Unrepresented -.11         -          -         -
Consciousness -.07          -        -        -
Interest          +.24    +.20      +.06        -
Bonding           +.12    +.11      +.06     +.06
Education           -     +.11      +.04        -
2nd generation     - -         +.04     +.04
Grievance          -        -        -       +.10
Conclusions
Different drivers of different outcomes
only bonding social capital is consistently important and
   has positive effects
Turnout only outcome affected by anti-system feelings
Volunteering and protesting driven by similar factors
   (skills)  different sides of the same coin?
Support for violence only outcome to be related to
   relative deprivation
Maybe relative deprivation, protest and support for
   violent demonstrations are learned in Britain
Discussion
 A highly positive picture of political integration 
  generally positive orientations and absence of
  major barriers
 Bonding social capital seems to be a good thing
  for integration rather than the villain of the piece
 Muslims (and Blacks) just as integrated as Indians
 Probably the legacy of Old Labours record of
  incorporation and pursuit of social justice
 But might be under threat as the second
  generation come to expect fair and equal
  treatment  which they dont receive

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  • 1. Political participation of ethnic minorities in Britain Anthony Heath Universities of Manchester and Oxford
  • 2. The central problem Widespread concerns in many countries about the political integration of migrants and their descendants Low election turnout in many countries Low identification with mainstream parties Conversely Riots and protest Home-grown terrorism in Britain
  • 3. Theories Orientations Lack of interest (more oriented to origin country/ethnic community, short-term orientation to life in Britain, economic not political motives) Lack of skills (language, education, economic resources) Hence exit (withdrawal) Barriers Access to citizenship Discrimination in the labour market (hence relative deprivation) Political exclusion/lack of access to the mainstream agenda Hence voice (protest)
  • 4. The questions in this paper How do minority rates of electoral and non- electoral participation, party identity and support for violent protest in Britain compare with those of the majority group? Do we see exit, voice or loyalty? How do these patterns vary across ethnic groups? And how do patterns change across generations towards greater integration or greater exit or voice?
  • 5. The conventional wisdom Muslim groups will be less loyal more inclined to withdrawal and/or (violent) voice Economically successful groups like Indians will be more integrated/loyal Less successful groups like Blacks will be more inclined to protest (the weapon of the weak) Exit will be more common in the first generation Voice/Radicalization will be seen in the second generation (especially among Muslims and Blacks)
  • 6. The data Ethnic Minority British Election Survey (EMBES) Representative probability survey with many questions identical to those in the main BES Focus on five main visible minorities Over-sampled in high density areas Excellent response rate (circa 60%) with 2787 respondents
  • 7. Party identification None weak strong Majority 22 25 53 Indian 17 25 58 Pakistani 15 29 57 Bangladeshi 18 27 54 Black Caribbean 15 26 59 Black African 15 22 63 All minorities 16 26 58
  • 8. Turnout Registered self-reported validated Majority 90 81 78 Indian 78 83 76 Pakistani 81 81 76 Bangladeshi 77 81 78 Black Caribbean 79 76 78 Black African 64 76 72 All minorities 77 78 76
  • 9. Non-electoral participation volunteered petitioned protested Majority 44 NA 5 Indian 46 22 7 Pakistani 36 20 8 Bangladeshi 39 18 9 Black Caribbean 46 20 6 Black African 52 16 4 All minorities 44 20 6
  • 10. Support for violent protest Majority 15 Indian 15 Pakistani 15 Bangladeshi 18 Black Caribbean 11 Black African 15 All minorities 15
  • 11. Myths debunked High levels of political integration overall only real exception is registration No sign of Muslim lack of integration No sign that more successful minorities are more politically integrated No sign that protest is a weapon of the weak
  • 12. Modelling the data Test theories of Grievance (relative deprivation) Ethnic (and British) consciousness Bonding (and bridging) social capital Resources and skills Political interest and efficacy Sense of political representation Generational change
  • 13. Significant estimates (minorities only) Turnout Volunteer Protest Violence Unrepresented *** - - - Consciousness * - - - Interest *** *** *** - Bonding *** *** *** ** Education - *** * - 2nd generation - - *** ** Grievance - - - ***
  • 14. Average marginal effects Turnout Volunteer Protest Violence Unrepresented -.11 - - - Consciousness -.07 - - - Interest +.24 +.20 +.06 - Bonding +.12 +.11 +.06 +.06 Education - +.11 +.04 - 2nd generation - - +.04 +.04 Grievance - - - +.10
  • 15. Conclusions Different drivers of different outcomes only bonding social capital is consistently important and has positive effects Turnout only outcome affected by anti-system feelings Volunteering and protesting driven by similar factors (skills) different sides of the same coin? Support for violence only outcome to be related to relative deprivation Maybe relative deprivation, protest and support for violent demonstrations are learned in Britain
  • 16. Discussion A highly positive picture of political integration generally positive orientations and absence of major barriers Bonding social capital seems to be a good thing for integration rather than the villain of the piece Muslims (and Blacks) just as integrated as Indians Probably the legacy of Old Labours record of incorporation and pursuit of social justice But might be under threat as the second generation come to expect fair and equal treatment which they dont receive